CLICK TO ENLARGE
Taken in Ann Arbor, Michigan.
Can’t find a picture of the cover, or any place it is for sale online, but an interview of a sex worker by one of the authors is available here, at Women’s eNews.
Great news from the Supreme Court’s public information office (via SCOTUSblog):
The pancreatic cancer for which Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg had surgery on February 5 has been determined as TNM Stage 1 by doctors at Memorial Sloan-Kettering Cancer Center in New York City. All lymph nodes proved negative for cancer and no metastasis was found. In the procedure Dr. Murray Brennan, the attending pancreatic surgeon, removed the Justice’s spleen along with a portion of her pancreas.
Extraordinarily, the approximately 1 cm lesion revealed on a late January CAT scan, the discovery of which led to the February 5 surgery, proved benign. But in searching the entire pancreas Dr. Brennan identified a previously undetected single, even smaller, tumor which upon examination was found malignant.
Justice Ginsburg was released from Memorial Sloan-Kettering today and is recuperating at home.
– David S. Cohen
Long and amazing post here at Like a Whisper.
William Mitchell College of Law has issued a call for papers and presenters for its upcoming workship, “Family Law Conference: A Family Law Education Conference With Topics to Enliven Your Teaching.”
Share your teaching theories, ideas and experiments! Selected papers will be published in a special issue of the Family Court Review. Workshop proposals should include:
Submission deadline: March 1
Please send workshop proposals to Nancy Ver Steegh at nancy.versteegh@wmitchell.edu or call 651-290-6342 with questions.
The workshop will take place Friday, June 26 at William Mitchell College of Law in St. Paul, Minnesota. The workshop is cosponsored by The Midwest Family Law Consortium: Indiana University School of Law-Indianapolis; University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law; and William Mitchell College of Law; With the American Academy of Matrimonial Lawyers, Minnesota Chapter; the Association of Family and Conciliation Courts; and Hofstra University School of Law, Center for Children Families and the Law.
Shared Family Law teaching materials are available at the Family Law Education Reform Project’s website.
-Bridget Crawford
Hein online has released a list of the 50 most-cited law profs. Only two women — Deborah Rhode and Carrie Menkel-Meadow — make the list, at 44 and 45. Do the men just keep citing each other?
The Cardozo Journal of Law & Gender will hold a Symposium on February 25, 2009. The topic is, “What to Expect: Legal Developments and Challenges in Reproductive Justice.” Here are the program description and agenda:
In this time of political change and economic uncertainty, the status of reproductive rights is shifting rapidly. Advocates are trying to understand these rights broadly and inclusively to anticipate potential avenues for development of social justice and its obstacles. What do new lawyers need to know about the present landscape to help achieve reproductive justice?
9:00-9:30 am Keynote Address
Lynn Paltrow (National Advocates for Pregnant Women)
9:45-11:00 am Sexuality and Education
Aimee Thorne-Thompsen (Pro-Choice Public Education Project), Micah Globerson (U.S. Agency for International Development), Bonnie Scott-Jones (Center for Reproductive Rights)
11:30-1:00 pm Assisted Reproduction
Adrienne Asch (Yeshiva University), Elizabeth Scott, Noa Ben-Asher (Columbia Law School), Bebe Anderson (Lambda Legal)
2:15-3:30 pm Young Women’s Access to Reproductive Health
Linda Wharton (Richard Stockton College), Susan Frietsche (Women’s Law Project), Rachel Rebouche (National Partnership for Women and Families)
4:00-5:30 pm Reproductive Human Rights
Melissa Upreti, Dana Sussman, Suzanne Stolz (Center for Reproductive Rights), Janette Amer (U.N. Division for the Advancement of Women)
5:30 pm Reception
Moderator : Leslie Gerwin (Princeton University)
Facebook event page here. Contact perle@yu.edu with questions.
Looks like a great program!
-Bridget Crawford
That’s what one study concluded. No doubt deodorant companies will try to scare us into buying more product with this.
Abstract:
Much of the legal scholarship regarding gender focuses justifiably on discrimination against women; accordingly, if such scholarship does discuss men, it does so chiefly to illuminate the ways in which women have been oppressed by them.
My article seeks to explore men’s identity as its own topic, specifically in its relation to the Constitution. I begin my exploration with early modern England, for the American colonists would have to grapple with the ideas that arose during this time. My argument proceeds as follows. Prominent conceptions of male identity in early modern England made constitutional democracy, as the eighteenth century Americans understood it, philosophically unrealistic. Thomas Hobbes represented one view, Robert Filmer the other. Hobbes argued that men’s violent hypermasculinity made them ineligible for the disciplined and mature enterprise of self-government; he believed that only an absolute monarch could control men for purposes of collective peace. Filmer also argued that men were generally incompetent for self-government. But unlike Hobbes, he argued that men were psychologically infantile and thus insufficiently manly for self-government. Filmer insisted that only the king had the requisite manliness of a powerful father and that men required the former’s love and guidance while they owed him complete obedience.
The American colonists constructed a new understanding of male identity, one that was compatible with the logic of self-government in their constitution. Against Hobbes, the colonists pressed American men to embrace civility rather than being driven by a violent hypermasculinity. Against Filmer, the colonists urged American men to evince their manly independence by deliberating political truths instead of deferring to social betters. I then explain how these views by the colonists were manifested in the federal Constitution.
Published in Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy, Vol. 32, pp. 261-332, 2009 and available for download here.
The recent opinion of the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Michigan in Huck v. Greenspan, 2009 WL 224682 (E.D. Mich. 2009), contains what I feel is a disastrous misapplication of the adoptive admission rule, with similarly disastrous results.
I won’t regale you with all of the extensive facts of Greenspan, but the relevant ones are that:
-Laura Huck worked for Elliot I. Greenspan, D.O., P.C. & Associates, starting on September 17, 2001, first as a medical biller and then as, “effectively,” an office co-manager;
-In December 2004, Mark LeBlanc, an attorney whom Greenspan consults on business operations and legal matters, recommended as a cost cutting measure that Greenspan not renew contracts for two physicians and terminate Huck’s employment;
-Dr. Greenspan did not take any action on this recommendation, and Huck subsequently became pregnant with twins, also in December 2004;
-In January 2005, after complications with her pregnancy, Huck requested and was granted two-weeks FMLA leave;
-After returning, Huck was given different duties, with a dispute on the question of to what extent she requested those changes;
-Huck submitted a 12 week FMLA leave request on March 29, 2005, that was approved;
-“At some point in time shortly thereafter, several employees reported to LeBlanc and Greenspan that Huck had lost her temper on several occasions and was causing disruptions in the office” (Huck herself admitted that she “‘may have raised [her] voice’ on occasion”);
-Dr. Greenspan fired Huck on May 13, 2005; and
-Huck sued Dr. Greenspan, LeBlanc, and the medical practice, alleging Title VII and Elliott-Larsen claims of pregnancy discrimination; hostile work environment; and retaliation; as well as claims of violation of the FMLA and discrimination and retaliation under the FMLA.
During a deposition, LeBlanc indicated that Karen Lajko, who was in charge of sales and marketing for the occupational medical division, was one of the employees who reported concerns about Huck’s temper and that she actually presented her concerns at the meeting where Dr. Greenspan decided to fire Huck. During that deposition, the following exchange occurred:
Q: Do you remember when the decision was made by Dr. Greenspan to lay her [Plaintiff] off?A: I do.Q: When was that?A: During that meeting where Karen, it was in his office the one we just discussed, on Tuesday prior to the Friday she [Plaintiff] was laid off, and after Karen finished her speech. I think with no one else speaking in between I looked at Dr. Greenspan and I said “my recommendations from the beginning of the year remain the same. And do with it what you will.” And he then protested the recommendation by saying words to the effect of, I’m not quoting him but this is as close as I can come, “no, because if I lay her off she’s the type that’s going to sue and we’re going to have to deal with that.” I responded to him in some fashion. He said that she’s pregnant and that she will sue us. He mentioned the pregnancy. I said, “pregnancy is not a factor here. Pregnancy is not a consideration here. And you can’t let the fact that someone might sue you run your business decisions.” He was silent for an extended period of time and finally he said, “fine, we will lay her off.”
According to other employees, the day after Huck was fired, “Lajko spoke at a staff meeting which had ostensibly been convened to boost morale, and allegedly told other employees at that meeting that Huck was terminated because of her pregnancy. According to employees who were present at the meeting, Lajko said that Huck was let go because, being pregnant, she ‘needed to relax a little bit.'”
In Lajko’s deposition, she did not deny these allegations and instead indicated that:
“The office meeting was actually supposed to be…we were supposed to all gather basically it was about, you know, bringing up morale, kind of getting things done. I remember basically, my, my-I was opening. I was basically the very first person to speak. And again, knowing the girls, the girls like I know the girls, I basically when I first walked up I said, ‘you know what, there’s a big elephant in the room, let’s get it out.’ Basically what had always been kind of… what had always been kind of what they’d done at Wixom Health is things would happen and nobody would ever explain them. You know, Laura was a friend of people’s and people cared about Laura, and there was already enough anger in the place they needed to understand that, you know what, it’s not time to be angry, it’s time to move forward. And basically what I did was I shared with them my story about [my pregnancy with] the girls [twins] and I just said, ‘you know what, again, she’s going to be taken care of, she just needs to relax and we all need to basically support her in that.’ Just you know what, she is-because she was upset. She was calling everybody. Again, she just needed to stop, she needed to stop.”
LeBlanc was present at the meeting where Lajko made these comments “but did not comment in response to any of Lajko’s remarks.” According to LeBlanc’s deposition, “he did not hear Lajko’s reference to pregnancy and would have protested had he heard the comment.”
The defendants moved for summary judgment dismissing Huck’s complaint, with a key issue being whether Lajko’s remarks could “be attributed to her employer as an ‘adoptive admission’ by virtue of the presence of…LeBlanc at the meeting when the remarks were made and his not having rebutted or disputed the statements.” According to Huck, “because LeBlanc was a participant in the decision-making process concerning [her] firing, this ‘adoptive admission’ constitutes direct evidence of discrimination on the Medical Practice’s part.”
The court began by citing the adoptive admission rule — Federal Rule of Evidence 801(d)(2)(B), which indicates that “[a] statement is not hearsay if…[t]he statement is offered against a party and is…a statement of which the party has manifested an adoption or belief in its truth.”
Then, as have most courts, the court in Greenspan found that a party can only be deemed to have adopted an admission if she fails to respond to a statement (or responds but does not rebut it), and the plaintiff can prove that “the party heard the statement,…understood the statement,…was able to respond to the statement,…and had the motive and opportunity to respond-i.e., the statement was made under circumstances reasonably calling for an answer.”
If the court had reason to address these last three elements, I am sure that it would have found them satisfied based upon LeBlanc’s own admission that he would have protested had he heard Lajko’s statement(s). But the court did not address these elements because it concluded that Huck had failed to present evidence that LeBlanc heard the statement(s) and thus failed to satisfy her burden of proof on this element.
And my response is that of course Huck did not have any evidence that LeBlanc heard Lajko’s statements. Almost every adoptive admission case deals with a party not responding to an incriminatory statement and thus being deemed to have adopted it. And, of course, if that party fails to respond, there is not going to be any direct evidence that the party heard the statement. Now, it is true that the party could later discuss the statement with someone else, but then her statements made during that discussion would be affirmative admissions of a party-opponent under Federal Rule of Evidence 801(d)(2)(A), and there would be no reason to rely on the adoptive admission rule.
So, how do courts typically conclude that a party heard the statement(s) at issue for adoptive admission purposes? The answer is that they typically rely upon inference, which is usually based upon the simple fact that the party was in the same room with the speaker at the time the alleged (adoptive) admission was made. And when that party claims that she did not hear the statement at issue (and even if she presents some supporting evidence), the court does not simply put blind faith in her denial (and certainly not on a motion for summary judgment), but instead allows the jury to resolve the dispute.
Indeed, the recent opinion of the First Circuit in United States v. Duval, 496 F.3d 64 (1st Cir. 2007), reveals both the way that courts typically deal with this issue and the inadequacy of the court’s approach in Greemspan. In Duval, the court found that
[i]n the present case, Dyott testified as to the incriminating nature of Doucette’s statement and placed Duval at the scene of the conversation. Duval argues that these foundational facts-which were proffered by the Government-were insufficient to prove that he heard the statement, and thus for it to be admitted as an adoptive admission. While in some cases, the paucity of facts introduced at trial precludes any reasonably grounded finding of actual acquiescence,…we have left the resolution of substantial yet conflicting testimony for the jury….This same principle applies to cases in which the facts give rise to conflicting but plausible inferences.
In the present case, the trial court properly found that the Government laid an adequate foundation for the admission of Dyott’s testimony by offering testimony that the conversation between Dyott and Doucette took place in a small room, and that Duval was in that room, testimony from which it could be reasonably inferred that Duval heard Doucette’s statements. Although Duval offered the contrary testimony of Ramos, who stated that he did not hear the conversation between Dyott and Doucette, the ultimate question of whether to believe Ramos’s testimony and to infer from it that Duval also did not hear Doucette was properly left to the jury. Because the court properly found that a foundation existed for the admission of Dyott’s testimony against Duval, we see no basis for concluding that the district court erred, plainly or otherwise, in admitting his testimony against Duval.
Now, unfortunately, the court in Huck didn’t indicate the size of the room where Lajko made her statements, but most staff meetings don’t take place in very large rooms. The opinion also doesn’t tell us why LeBlanc was at the meeting, but given that he was as a legal and cost-cutting consultant, you would have to think that his main purpose for attending the meeting would have been to ensure that nothing incriminatory was said about Huck’s firing, especially given Dr. Greenspan’s comments about the probability of Huck suing. I could see another employee zoning out during the meeting, but not LeBlanc. And even if LeBlanc did zone out at some point, I doubt that it was during Lajko’s opening speech, when she was addressing the “big elephant in the room.”
But despite these facts, the court found no triable issue of fact on the issue of whether LeBlanc heard the statement(s), accordingly found the adoptive admission rule inapplicable, and granted almost all aspects of the defendants’ motion for summary judgment (the only part that it denied was Huck’s claim relating to the change in her job duties after her first FMLA leave). And based upon the above, I would say that this was a serious miscarriage of justice.
-Colin Miller
I blogged recently about the concerns I had when I read the statements Hilary Clinton made in her Senate confirmation testimony related to the issue of sex trafficking. I heard little sign in her testimony of a desire to change policy from the crusade undertaken by the Bush Administration that overdetermined the problem of human trafficking in sexual terms (thereby ignoring the enormous problem of other forms of forced labor), driven largely by an evangelistic judgement about sex work more generally.
But the State Department through the policy set by its Secretary is not where we can find the front line of the federal government’s efforts to combat human trafficking. That job falls to the Department of “Homeland” Security (I hate that term), particularly to ICE (Immigration & Customs Enforcement) which conducts raids of brothels and other workplaces where it suspects undocumented and/or trafficked persons may be working. Indeed, ICE raids have been the U.S. government’s principal means of identifying victims of trafficking according to a recent GAO report.
So, was Janet Napolitano asked about her views on human trafficking in general, or sex trafficking in particular, when she came before the Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs for confirmation? Nope.
Did she volunteer anything about this issue, as did Clinton in her confirmation hearings? Nope.
Surely Secretary Napolitano has views on this issue, but we don’t know them yet. When you go to the “Homeland” Security website the 2008-2013 Strategic Plan, developed by the old Secretary Chertoff but still on the website, does not even mention trafficking. Yet if you go to ICE’s “What We’ve Done Lately On Human Trafficking and Smuggling” Webpage they highlight all manner of good things they’ve been up to, but few of them are trafficking-related. Lots of smuggling work (and trafficking is legally and socially a different thing from smuggling), and a bunch of arrests of “illegal aliens.” The two most recent trafficking cases involve raids of brothels in Seattle and South Florida, both last November.
It’s too early to know what kind of policy will be set by Secretary Napolitano with respect to domestic enforecment of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act. But she and her policy team are without question important players in setting a new agenda when it comes to the problem of relying too heavily on raids to deal with the protection of trafficked persons and the prosecution of traffickers. (More about this below.) For the moment however, we have some reason to be concerned.
Timothy Keefer remains as Napolitano’s Chief Counsel for Civil Rights and Civil Liberties at ICE. Keefer, a graduate of William and Mary Law School worked for Covington and Burling after clerking a couple years. In late 2000, after three months at the firm, he was sent to Florida to work on George W. Bush’s legal team seeking to secure him a win in the contested presidential election…
– Katherine Franke
Families which contain two adults who work outside the home often have a layer of economic security that two adult families with one “stay at home” partner do not have. So, on a micro level, everything feminists and our allies have done to enable women to succeed in the workforce is good for us and our families. But last Friday the NYT reported: “Women are poised to surpass men on the nation’s payrolls, taking the majority for the first time in American history.” The article noted:
… a full 82 percent of the job losses have befallen men, who are heavily represented in distressed industries like manufacturing and construction. Women tend to be employed in areas like education and health care, which are less sensitive to economic ups and downs, and in jobs that allow more time for child care and other domestic work.
Bob Hebert explained that this labor force gender shift is happening “..[N]ot because women have been doing so well, but because men have been doing so poorly.” Women are paid lower wages, and receive fewer benefits, even in better economic times. To paraphrase Helen Reddy, when we have to, we can do anything.
Any minute I’m waiting for someone to accuse women of hurting men by hogging all those depressed salary, low prestige jobs without fringe benefits or health insurance for ourselves.
–Ann Bartow
Here are some flavor suggestions:
Grape Depression
The Housing Crunch
Abu Grape
Cluster Fudge
Nut’n Accomplished
Iraqi Road
Chock ‘n Awe
WireTapioca
Heck of a Job, Brownie!
Neocon Politan
Cookie D’oh!
Nougalar Proliferation
I broke the law and am responsible for the deaths of thousands . . . with nuts
Freedom Vanilla
Im-Peach-Mint
Let Them Eat Cake
September 7, 2001 saw the adoption of the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action, one of the most remarkable international agreement to address the problem of racism and racial discrimination. The enormous potential of the document was overshadowed by several events. The Palestine-Israel dispute, the withdrawal of several key western countries, including the United States and the occurrence of 9/11 which focused everyone’s attention toward terrorism.
After eight years we have the opportunity to recapture the potential of the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action. First, there is a Durban Review being conducted which has the potential of re-energizing the world’s collective effort to eliminate racial discrimination. Second, President Obama has repeatedly maintain that it is important to have all views at the table and to rely on negotiations to solve problems.
Given these circumstances, this is an opportunity to participate in revitalization of the international efforts to eliminate racial discrimination. This workshop will:
(1) provide an overview of the International Treaty on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination;
(2) review the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action from the World Conference Against Racism (WCAR) in 2001;
(3) provide an overview of current Durban Review activities with a focus on issues specific to”People of African Descent”;
(4) discuss how to get the United States government more involved in International human rights as it relates to racial discrimination; and,
(5) discuss how get African American organizations more involved in international human rights arena including participating the UN Working Group of Experts on People of African Descent.
This discussion is organized by Professor Vernellia Randall, The University of Dayton School of Law. It is free and it is conducted on Eastern Standard time. For more information, contact me at randall@udayton.edu.
Registration and additional information here.
–Vernellia Randall
Abstract:
This article examines legal responses to women charged with a homicide offence arising from killing an abusive partner and reviews Australian cases over the period 1991-2007. We focus on cases involving Indigenous women due to their very substantial over-representation as victims and offenders in intimate homicides in Australia. We find that the Australian case law to date has not developed principles adequate to reflect battered women’s interests. Our analysis of cases involving Indigenous battered women indicates that the battering they had experienced and their disadvantaged circumstances were commonly read as indicators of personal deficits and any evidence of structural disadvantage was muted. This research suggests that the limited impact of battered women’s litigation in Australia is in part attributable to the psychological individualism of the criminal law identified by Norrie (2001, 2005), which is not confined to the trial stage but also shapes prosecutorial discretion and sentencing. We urge future research to shift the focus beyond Battered Women Syndrome and the trial process to examine plea bargaining and sentencing, and we suggest that advocates on behalf of battered women cannot rely on case law developments to deliver change but need to pursue multiple strategies.
I know, I know, it’s sausage that comes in links, not bacon. Anyhoo, Scalzi’s written his own law: “Any conversation on the internet will eventually include bacon in some way. And then be forwarded immediately to John Scalzi.”
Via Froomkin.
The Program in Gender and Sexuality Law at Columbia Law School invites applications for a sabbatical visitor for the 2009-2010 academic year to undertake research, writing and collaboration with Program faculty and students in ways that span traditional academic disciplines. The GSLP welcomes applications from faculty from any field who are interested in spending a semester or the academic year in residence at Columbia Law School working on scholarly projects relating to Gender and/or Sexuality Law.
Sabbatical Visitors will receive an office with phone and computer, secretarial support and full access to university libraries, computer systems and recreational facilities. In addition, Sabbatical Visitors will be expected to participate in GSLP activities and present a paper at the Program’s Colloquium Series.
For more information about the Sabbatical Visitor Program: http://blogs.law.columbia.edu/gendersexualitylaw/sabbatical-visitor-program/
For more information about the Gender and Sexuality Law Program: http://blogs.law.columbia.edu/gendersexualitylaw/
– Katherine Franke
A 1954 scholastic “Psychology For Living Series” film meant to show the perils of poor “habit patterns” by castigating the hapless Barbara for every single thing she does, and relentlessly comparing her to perfect Helen. The narration is pure acid, and the message pure patriarchal reinforcement.
From Women’s eNews:
When Egypt’s new parliament convenes in early February, some members will be proposing a law to strengthen penalties against sexual offenders by increasing jail time and fines.
The bill will also put more pressure on police to crack down on perpetrators by calling on them to intervene when incidents occur and not to remain passive bystanders when women demand justice.
Because both the ruling National Democratic Party and the opposition Muslim Brotherhood movement are promoting the bill, many onlookers expect it to pass.
“I believe it is time for Egypt to move forward on this issue and the bill proposed is the best chance because there is no opposition from the government or the opposition parties,” said the head of the Egyptian Organization for Human Rights, Hafez Abu Saeda. “So we are optimistic that it will pass.”
The bill follows two high-profile sentences in sexual assault cases last year that staffers at the New Women’s Foundation in Cairo say have spurred female victims of sexual assault and street harassment to seek advice on how to press charges against offenders.
“Already we are seeing women more willing to go and deal with the abuses against them,” said Amal Abdel Hadi, president of the foundation. “It is because of the court cases that women are coming out to speak (about) what happened to them.”
One of last year’s groundbreaking cases was brought by Noha Rushdi, a 27-year-old documentary filmmaker from Israel who was groped on the street by a man who leaned out of a car window to grab her breasts.
Last October the court sentenced the man to three years in prison under the current sexual harassment laws and fined him nearly $900.
Read the entire account here.
Brian Leiter has the names here. All five are terrific candidates.
President has authority to change “Don’t Ask Don’t Tell” now
In her article Let the Small Changes Begin: President Obama, Executive Power, and Don’t Ask Don’t Tell, Professor Jackie Gardina of Vermont Law School writes:
President Obama should not wait for Congress to act. He has both the constitutional and statutory authority to implement change immediately.
In her article, she:
- discusses the historical context of Don’t Ask Don’t Tell, specifically focusing on the lessons of the Clinton era and President Clinton’s successful use of executive power to improve the lives of gay and lesbian service members;
- explains why President Obama must act pending congressional action, describing the status of repeal efforts in Congress and exploring potential barriers to success;
- dissects the recent circuit court decisions on Don’t Ask Don’t Tell, which interestingly set the stage for President Obama’s first executive decision on the issue — whether to seek certiorari in Witt v. Air Force;
- provides examples of five amendments to the current DoD directives implementing the statute that would improve the lives of the estimated 65,000 gay and lesbian members serving under the shadow of the statute.
Disproportionate impact on women, and particularly African-American women
A disproportionate number of service members discharged from the military due to Don’t Ask Don’t Tell are women, and in this group, African-American women are disproportionately discharged. According to information obtained through a FOIA request by the Servicemembers Legal Defense Network:
Rejects my advances? Must be a lesbian!
Why such a disproportionate impact on women? Professor Gardina has pointed out:
The military has not offered an explanation for the disparity although one theory advanced by advocacy groups to explain why more women than men are discharged under the law is “lesbian baiting,” in which a man approaches a woman, she rejects him, and he retaliates by accusing her of being a lesbian.
The female face of Don’t Ask Don’t Tell
In her article Black Women Disproportionately Impacted by Don’t Ask Don’t Tell, Dr. Jeanne Scheper, formerly of the Palm Center and now at UC Irvine, writes:
For many people, the face of the “don’t ask don’t tell” policy is often a white and male face, a stereotype unfortunately often reinforced by the media and advocacy groups who have focused attention on the stories of white gay men who have been discharged.
. . .
According to U.S. Census data, black women with same-sex partners serve in the military at 11 times the rate of women overall. . . . Pentagon data show that African American women are discharged under “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” at three times the rate that they serve in the military.
. . .
It’s time to put a new face on the “don’t ask, don’t tell” debate.
Getting Involved in Don’t Ask Don’t Tell Lobby Day: March 13
Participate in this year’s Don’t Ask Don’t Tell Lobby Day! It’s scheduled for March 13; details here.
– Stephanie Farrior
Abstract:
While private-sector employees do not have First Amendment free speech protection for their blogging activities relating to the workplace, public employees may enjoy some measure of protection depending on the nature of their blogging activity. The essential difference between these types of employment stems from the presence of state action in the public employment context. Although a government employee does not have the same protection from governmental speech infringement as citizens do under the First Amendment, a long line of cases under Pickering v. Bd. of Education have established a modicum of protection, especially when the public employee blogging is off-duty and the blog post does not concern work-related matters.
Describing the legal protection for such public employee bloggers is an important project as many employers recently have ratcheted up their efforts to limit or ban employee blogging activities while blogging by employees simultaneously continues to expand. It should therefore not be surprising that the act of being fired for blogging about one’s employer has even led to a term being coined: “dooced.” So the specific question that this essay addresses is: do dooced employees have any First Amendment protection in the workplace? But the larger issue examined by implication, and the one addressed by this Symposium, is the continuing impact of technology on First Amendment free speech rights at the beginning of the 21st Century.
This contribution to the Symposium proceeds in three parts. It first examines the predicament of private-sector employees who choose to blog about their workplaces. The second section then lays out the potential First Amendment free speech implications for public employees who engage in the same types of activities. Finally, the third section briefly considers a potential future trend in this context from Kentucky involving government employers banning employee access to all blogs while at work.
What’s not to like?
Feminists and allied critical thinkers may be interested in Sheila Rowbotham’s biography, Edward Carpenter: A Life of Liberty and Love. Here’s a portion of Martin Pugh’s review in the Times Literary Supplement:
Edward Carpenter abandoned a comfortable social position to adopt a thoroughly sceptical view of society’s values and conventions. His life’s work was pursued through a series of overlapping circles and causes – socialism, anarchism, sex reform, female emancipation, environmentalism, vegetarianism, nudism and animal rights – but despite the prominence he achieved by the Edwardian period he never really became the leader of anything. He managed to get away with what, from the perspective of late-Victorian, bourgeois society, was a lifetime of subversion without seeking formal political influence – and without being prosecuted for his views. Given the availability of papers at Sheffield, Leeds and Manchester it seems remarkable that there have been so few attempts to write Carpenter’s biography and Sheila Rowbotham is to be congratulated on giving us such a scholarly and sympathetic study of a Victorian who, in effect, helped to create the twenty-first century for us.
Pugh’s full review is here.
-Bridget Crawford
The Five Colleges Women’s Studies Research Center is a collaborative project of Amherst, Hampshire, Mount Holyoke, and Smith Colleges and the University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Here’s a notice of available fellowships:
The Center invites applications for its RESEARCH ASSOCIATESHIPS for 2009-2010 from scholars and teachers at all levels of the educational system, as well as from artists, community organizers and political activists, both local and international. Associates are provided with offices in our spacious facility, faculty library privileges, and the collegiality of a diverse community of feminists. Research Associate applications are accepted for either a semester or the academic year. The Center supports projects in all disciplines so long as they focus centrally on women or gender. Research Associateships are non-stipendiary. We accept about 15-18 Research Associates per year.
Applicants should submit a project proposal (up to 4 pages), curriculum vitae, two letters of reference, and application cover sheet. Submit all applications to: Five College Women’s Studies Research Center, Mount Holyoke College, 50 College Street, South Hadley, MA 01075-6406. Deadline is February 9, 2009. For further information, contact the Center.
-Bridget Crawford
The University of Baltimore School of Law will hold its Second Annual Feminist Legal Theory Conference on Friday, March 6, 2009. The conference will bring together law students, legal academics, practitioners and activists to explore the concrete ways in which feminist legal theory is (or is not) changing the law. The day’s events will conclude with a keynote presentation from Dr. Maya Angelou.
He describes the episode in his essay entitled “Testing the Test,” which was published in the Chron, and it’s a very funny and interesting read. Below is a short excerpt:
Very little of the test, as far as I could see, had anything to do with gauging someone’s aptitude for graduate study in literature; it was, instead, as if I’d played an arduous two-and-a-half-hour parlor game. And that’s apparently how some departments of English treat the English GRE. Although many programs require it, my own does not, and back at my old haunt, Columbia, the graduate-admissions Web page declares, “Our department does not require the GRE Subject Test in English literature, which we regard as unsubstantive and not predictive of the quality of graduate work.” Over all, according to the most recent “MLA Guide to Doctoral Programs in English and Other Modern Languages,” 41.5 percent of English departments require the subject GRE test, whereas 96.2 percent require a writing sample. When I asked my department head whether I’d wasted my time with a test that would have no significance if I were an applicant to my own program, she said, “Pretty much, yeah. But it does sound like fun.” A supposedly fun thing, in the words of the late David Foster Wallace, that I’ll never do again.
Dean Dad ponders that question here, and so do some of his readers.
The California Supreme Court has now set the date for oral arguments in Strauss v. Horton, which is the suit concerning the validity of Prop. 8. Argument will be held on the morning of March 5. The court further indicated that it will issue an opinion in the case within 90 days of oral argument.
-Tony Infanti
Abstract:
In her book, Fat Rights: Dilemmas of Difference and Personhood, Professor Anna Kirkland uses fat discrimination as a case study to examine the ways in which we talk about difference in antidiscrimination law. She argues that the proper way to frame questions of difference in antidiscrimination is not in terms of protected traits or categories, but rather in terms of what she calls “logics of personhood.” The logics of personhood are narratives that enable us to talk about which differences matter in a given discrimination case. In other words, they are ways of talking about what happens when people do or do not have rights, as well as whether certain people should be protected by antidiscrimination law. After applying the logics to the case of fat discrimination, Kirkland joins a growing community of scholars seeking to transcend antidiscrimination law’s categories. By identifying in the logics of personhood the presumptions that lay beneath the surface of antidiscrimination law, Kirkland creates an entirely new way to talk about differences among people.
In this Book Review, we extend Professor Kirkland’s discussion of fat plaintiffs to a discussion of transgender plaintiffs. Much like fat plaintiffs, transgender plaintiffs’ only hope of articulating actionable discrimination claims is to map their claims onto existing antidiscrimination norms. As Kirkland demonstrates in Fat Rights, fat plaintiffs must cast themselves as disabled in order to state an actionable discrimination claims. And as we demonstrate in this Book Review, transgender plaintiffs must cast themselves as gender-nonconformists in order to state actionable claims. While both fat and transgender employees may be willing to negotiate their identities to win lawsuits against their discriminatory employers, the purpose of this Book Review is to ask whether they should have to. We use Kirkland’s logics of personhood to demonstrate that fat plaintiffs and transgender plaintiffs share a common frustration with respect to antidiscrimination law’s protected categories, namely, that antidiscrimination law sees both fat people and transgender people differently from how they see themselves. And we argue further that this is a significant harm to a plaintiff’s dignity and that antidiscrimination law should take into consideration such dignitary harms.
February 20, 2009
University of Pittsburgh School of Law
Why do women still earn so much less than men? Why is the gender wage gap significantly worse in Pittsburgh and Southwestern Pennsylvania? What new legal and policy strategies might help to address these persistent inequalities? Nationally recognized scholars in law, economics, and public policy will address these questions, with responses by state and local political and nonprofit leaders and by a panel of prominent women graduates of the University of Pittsburgh College of General Studies.
Friday, February 20, 2009 | |
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8:30–9 a.m. | Coffee and welcoming remarks |
9–10 a.m. | Morning Keynote: Jocelyn Frye, National Partnership for Women & Families |
10:15–11:45 a.m. | Panel One: Research on the Gender Wage Gap
Panelists are Sabina Deitrick and Chris Briem (University of Pittsburgh Center for Social and Urban Research), Charles Wilf (Duquesne University), and Lise Vesterlund (University of Pittsburgh); moderated by Sabina Deitrick |
Noon–1:30 p.m. | Lunch and Keynote: Linda Babcock, Carnegie Mellon University |
1:45–3:15 p.m. | Panel Two: Law and Public Policy
Panelists are Heather Arnet (Women and Girls Foundation), Deborah Brake (University of Pittsburgh School of Law), Jane Orie (Pennsylvania State Senate), and Doug Shields (Pittsburgh City Council); moderated by Susan Frietsche (Women’s Law Project) |
3:30–5 p.m. | Panel Three: Bringing It Home: Professional Women and Strategies for Success
Panelists are University of Pittsburgh College of General Studies alumni Mary Francis Gargotta, ’79 (Marc USA); Terri L. Gebrosky Marts, ‘81 (Washington Group International); Anna Roman, ‘82 (UPMC); moderated by Susan Blackall Hansen (University of Pittsburgh) |
5–6 p.m. | Reception |
This event is open to the public.
To register, click here.
Mindbugs: The Psychology of Ordinary Prejudice
Speaker: Professor Mahzarin Banaji, Richard Clarke Cabot Professor of Social Ethics, Department of Psychology, Harvard University
Prejudiced? Of course, we all are. Though we may believe that our own views are not affected by stereotypes or bias, the reality is surprisingly different.
This highly participatory discussion will be led by the renowned Harvard Professor Mahzarin Banaji, who will educate us on the effects of implicit and unconscious biases on all members of the legal profession. These subtle biases influence how we perceive our clients and witnesses, interact with other attorneys and judges and attempt to persuade juries. On a day to day basis, they even affect how we make decisions on hiring, work distribution, evaluations, promotions and layoffs.
Professor Banaji conducted groundbreaking research on mental processes that operate without our awareness, intention or control. Biases can actually be measured, as Professor Banaji co-developed the Implicit Association Test nearly a decade ago. This highly regarded test, as well as physiologic measures, can help us to understand how we view each other. Audience capacity for this must-see program is limited.
Download Program Flyer (PDF)
Overview and call to action here at The New Agenda.
Law prof Suzanne Goldberg has a short article here explaining:
A case recently filed in the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), M. v the United Kingdom, shows just how vigorous and heinous the slave trade continues to be. But the trade’s character has changed, with £5 billion generated each year largely from traffickers’ control of women and children, making trafficking in persons the second largest criminal activity in the world.
M, who was forcibly transported from Uganda into the UK’s sex industry, is but one of the hundreds of thousands of women trafficked into Western Europe each year. The sheer numbers demand that states respond not only as prosecutors but also as protectors of victims. Since traffickers often force their victims to evade immigration control and violate other criminal laws, states regularly treat trafficking victims – who are notoriously difficult to identify as such – as illegal immigrants and criminals. As a result, victims frequently face detention, prosecution, expulsion, and destitution in the destination country.
With clearer attention to the facts and more developed identification systems, the international community has begun to see these women and children for what they are – victims of severe human rights abuses.
Read the entire piece here (PDF). Via the Gender and Sexuality Law Blog, where Goldberg has posted additional thoughts.
“Opt Out”or Pushed Out will address the controversial phenomenon described by some as”opting out,” the supposed trend of professional women leaving the workplace to devote their energies to family care-taking, full time.
This conference will focus on the dynamics of the”trend”within the legal profession, inviting legal practitioners, professional students, and scholars to critically assess the structural, institutional, and societal reasons why women lawyers may be departing from the workplace. It will also devote significant energy to the experiences of men and how they may be similar to – or different from – those of female attorneys. Conference panels will touch on topics of parenthood, social expectations that treat men and women differently, and how the legal field can learn from other professions that have begun to accommodate the reality of male and female professionals’ multi-faceted lives.
Men and women in the legal profession — practitioners, students, and scholars — will come together to critically assess the structural, institutional and societal pressures that affect all attorneys and have made balance particularly elusive for women. The aim is to generate concrete goals and methods for improving the structure of the workplace and social perceptions of the occupational choices that attorneys make.
We hope you will join us for this thought-provoking and timely discussion!
Michigan Journal of Gender & Law, Vol. 15, No. 1, 2008
Abstract:
In the law review literature on pornography, there is sometimes the depressing story that either liberalism is limply unhelpful to combat pornography or, in its role as philosophical handmaiden, liberalism happily does pornography’s bidding. Liberalism as referred to here is not meant as shorthand for the political ideals of the Democratic Party. Rather, it is meant to serve as an emblem for a loose collection of commitments to free speech, legal equality, toleration, and limited government. But the description of liberalism that pervades the law review literature on pornography seems exaggerated and far from inevitable. Liberalism, as a jurisprudential principle, need not be pornography’s indifferent observer or spineless sycophant; liberalism can be used to fight pornography. In this Article, I propose to illuminate what appears to me the most essential aspect of liberalism in its inviolable dedication to peace and safety. By drawing upon the work of the early liberals, I argue that liberalism’s most basic ethos is conceptually incompatible with pornography, as the latter celebrates an unjustified form of violence as its own end.
Ruth Bader Ginsburg Lecturer and Keynote Speaker
Professor, Vermont Law School
Co-author, Domestic Violence and the law: Policy and Practice
“Behind the Castle Walls: Is the Right to Privacy Creating a Safe Harbor for Abusers?”
This conference is intended to dispel the many myths surrounding domestic violence and develop real solutions for combating this terrible epidemic. Domestic Violence Survivors from all walks of life will share their stories, and local attorneys, custody mediators such as Russell Gold, Ph.D., and law enforcement personnel, including a representative from the Domestic Violence Unit of the San Diego Police Department and San Diego District Attorney Bonnie Dumanis, will share their experiences and frustrations with the options and remedies that the current legal system offers. Abuse experts such as Sandra Brown, M.A., psychotherapist, and co-author of several self-help books, will discuss the causes and effects of domestic violence as well as the most promising therapeutic and government interventions, and scholars such as Ilene Durst and Claire Wright of Thomas Jefferson School of Law will discuss their proposals for improving the legal system so that it works for the victims of domestic violence and helps to end the scourge of domestic violence in this country.
For more information, contact Professor Claire Wright at cwright@tjsl.edu.
Download 2009 WLC Flyer for More Details (in PDF format)
Basic Income Studies, an international journal of basic income research, Vol. 3, Issue 3, (2008)
Debate: Should Feminists Endorse Basic Income?
Guest editor: Ingrid Robeyns, Erasmus University Rotterdam
Research Notes
“Introduction: Revisiting the Feminism and Basic Income Debate”
Ingrid Robeyns, Erasmus University Rotterdam
“Basic Income and the Gendered Division of Labour”
Julieta Elgarte, Universidad Nacional de La Plata
“Basic Income Grants or the Welfare State: Which Better Promotes Gender Equality?”
Barbara Bergmann, American University – Washington, D.C.
“All Things Considered, Should Feminists Embrace Basic Income?”
John Baker, University College Dublin
“Institutionalizing the Universal Caretaker Through a Basic Income?”
Almaz Zelleke, The New School
“Basic Income, Gender Justice and the Costs of Gender-symmetrical Lifestyles”
Anca Gheaus, University of Oxford
“Can a Basic Income Lead to a More Gender Equal Society?”
Jacqueline O’Reilly, University of Brighton
Book Reviews
Review of”Amilcar Moreira, The Activation Dilemma: Reconciling the Fairness and Effectiveness of Minimum Income Schemes in Europe”by Mikael Dubois, Royal Institute of Technology, Stockholm
Review of”Erik Christensen, The Heretical Political Discourse: A Discourse Analysis of the Danish Debate on asic Income”by Roland Paulsen, University of Uppsala
Available here, via Crooked Timber, where Ingrid Robeyns writes:
We’ve had some discussions on the desirability of a basic income from a feminist perspective here before (here and here). So I thought I would mention that about a month ago a special issue of Basic Income Studies was published which addresses precisely the question whether, all things considered, feminists should endorse a basic income. All authors answered this question with (relatively) affluent societies in mind; so the question still need to be answered for developing countries.
I guest-edited this issue and, as I wrote in the introduction (which also summarises the papers), apart from Barbara Bergmann’s contribution, I genuinely did not know what the other contributors (John Baker, Anca Gheaus, Jacqueline O’Reilly and Julieta Elgarte) would argue. So although these authors are all either feminists or generally supportive of feminist views, I was truly surprised to find out that they strongly disagreed on the desirability of a basic income for feminists. On the one hand this is due to the different kinds of feminism which they endorse. Bergmann is a ‘Total Androgyny, Male Style’- type of feminist, whereas Baker and Zelleke, for example, are much more concerned about the short-term interests of carers and those who do not want to or cannot take on large paid jobs, which are often mothers and female carers. Yet the other source of disagreement is the predicted effects of a basic income on the gendered division of labour. Gheaus thinks it will become more unequal (a view I share based on an empirical literature survey of similar policy instruments or financial changes, which I did as a graduate student). Elgarte thinks we need to make policy space for an ‘avantgarde’ who is practicing a more egalitarian gender division of labour while at the same time protecting those who are living in more gendertraditional households, whereas Zelleke doesn’t think the gender division of labour will worsen if a basic income would be implemented.
Readers may be interested to know about Brian Leiter’s other blogs (in addition to his Law School Reports).
Brian Leiter’s Legal Philosophy Blog
-Bridget Crawford
From the FLP mailbox, this notice of an NYC-area appearance by Sarah Weddington, the attorney who represented the plaintiff in Roe v. Wade.
Dr. Weddington will speak at Ramapo College on March 4, 2009. She is the opening speaker for Ramapo’s “HerStory Month” celebration. Local law students and professors are welcome. Here are the details:
Wednesday March 4th, 2009
Friend’s Hall 1-2pm
Ramapo College
505 Ramapo Valley Road
Mahwah, New Jersey
For more information about Sarah Weddington, see here. I’ve heard Dr. Weddington speak before. She is charismatic and very inspirational.
-Bridget Crawford
Of the professors on the blogroll here, I’m still one of the newer ones. So I’m looking to those who have been doing this for a longer time for some advice. A regular part of our job is counseling students on all things related to law, and as part of that, I frequently talk with students who want to practice feminist law. They went to law school so they could be the next Ruth Bader Ginsburg. They’ve survived the harrowing three years with their ideals intact. Now they want to join a movement non-profit to litigate sex discrimination cases and change the law and world to make it better for women.
The problem is that even in good economic times legal jobs at women’s rights non-profits are incredibly hard to come by. By a quick guess, I’d say there are 100 full-time women’s rights lawyers in the country at these non-profits. That’s not a lot of job openings. Of course, you can expand the field and talk about plaintiff-side employment discrimination boutiques. And small family law firms may interest some of these students. But as you expand, you move further away from what a lot of feminist students are looking for — work for a cause rather than for a profit.
So what do you tell students who come to you looking for this kind of work? Any and all advice would be appreciated (for me advising or for students reading this blog).
– David S. Cohen
(Cross posted from Related Topics)
This ties back to yesterday’s post. Last night I had another thought about what makes the single mothers in the NYT magazine article special and, more specifically, what shields them from the usual interrogation of their right to have children: They are chaste.
The children are adopted or the result of ART. Which is to say the children were not conceived via sex. Of course, under existing law if they had been, there would be a legal father out there somewhere. But in fact there are plenty of single mothers out there whose children were conceived via sex. Not, however, within this cohort of women.
Beyond that, and really more importantly, one of the author’s key points is that most of the women portrayed have given up dating for the duration of their children’s childhood. Although the author is not quite this explicit, I’d say the implication is that they have given up sex.
In some ways this portrayal makes them perfectly qualified for motherhood in a rather Victorian mode. They are chaste and pure, without carnal desires. Or if they are not without desire, they subvert their baser instincts in order to devote themselves more completely to the task of motherhood. Of course they are beyond reproach.
It’s important to note that this is not the reason that the women have left the dating scene. The women have left the dating scene in order to secure their own independence and autonomy. I’m not suggesting that this isn’t “real” or that it isn’t sound reasoning.
Rather, it is the portrayal and reactions to it that interest me. Is there a connection between the women’s apparent commitment to chastity and our response to them?
–by Julie Shapiro, cross-posted from Related Topics